And the nominee to the Supreme Court is...
I was wrong.
And I am glad about that.
That is not to say that I am thrilled about Roberts being nominated, but I am very happy that Priscilla Owen is not getting the nomination.
Jones, 56, is considered by lawyers who practice before the 5th Circuit to be the most intellectual, the most abrasive and the most ideological. Although she is a favorite of the Christian right, both Democrats and Republicans question whether Bush would risk the inevitable Senate fight if he nominated her.In some ways, it would seem that Jones would be a good choice by Bush standards. However, she has never struck me as one to be controlled by anyone, and she currently owes nothing to George W. Bush.
These clowns have done so many things that are questionable at best and positively stupid at worst, and always there are several controversies going on at once. There has not been a "break in the action." The mistakes and controversies have been a continuous stream. For a time I could find absolutely no rational explanation for this pattern, but I have since come up with a theory...The Bush administration is currently facing its biggest political challenge with the Plame affair and Karl Rove's involvement therein. The administration does not want a lack of controversy regarding the Supreme Court appointment. It wants a great deal of controversy because that will take the spotlight off Rove. By appointing Owen, Bush gets that controversy--along with an argument (see above) that will keep the controversy going and possibly result in getting Owen on the Supreme Court.
I submit that this conduct is intentional and planned. See, if there are numerous problems at a given time, it is difficult for anyone to stay focused on any one problem. As soon as one problem starts receiving high scrutiny, along comes another one to take attention away from the first one. And then the Bush administration can turn its efforts back to the first problem or another matter altogether. In effect, the process becomes a shell game or a hand of three-card monte, with the primary objective being to make it impossible for anyone to keep an eye on the pea or winning card. The secondary objective is to get everyone so caught up in the chase (the effort to find the pea or winning card) that they lose sight of everything else. This process then gives the Bush adminstration flexibility in which to conduct all its massive bullshit.
CURRY: Let me shift for a moment to a subject that a lot of Americans care a lot about, and that is what will happen in the wake of Justice Sandra Day O'Connor retiring. Do you want your husband to name another woman to the Supreme Court?
BUSH: Sure, I would really like for him to name another woman. And I admire and respect Sandra Day O'Connor so much. She's been a friend that I've loved seeing whenever I had the chance when I'm in Washington.
Putting a face to the definition
"Subject: Rove/P&C," (for personal and confidential), Cooper began. "Spoke to Rove on double super secret background for about two mins before he went on vacation ..." Cooper proceeded to spell out some guidance on a story that was beginning to roil Washington. He finished, "please don't source this to rove or even WH [White House]" and suggested another reporter check with the CIA.(emphasis added). Now I know what some of you are thinking. How do we know this email is in any way accurate? Well, Rove's lawyer, Robert Luskin, told Newsweek that Rove had indeed spoken to Cooper about Joseph Wilson and his wife (Valerie Plame).
*******Cooper wrote that Rove offered him a "big warning" not to "get too far out on Wilson." Rove told Cooper that Wilson's trip had not been authorized by "DCIA"—CIA Director George Tenet—or Vice President Dick Cheney. Rather, "it was, KR said, wilson's wife, who apparently works at the agency on wmd [weapons of mass destruction] issues who authorized the trip." Wilson's wife is Plame, then an undercover agent working as an analyst in the CIA's Directorate of Operations counterproliferation division.
Luskin said yesterday that Rove did not know Plame's name and was not actively trying to push the information into the public realm.Let me see if I understand...Rove's position is that he did nothing wrong because he did not mention Plame's name but instead only said "Wilson's wife"? To quote John McEnroe, "You cannot be serious!" I bet Rove has a particularly creative definition of "is" as well.
*******"Rove did not mention her name to Cooper," Luskin said. "This was not an effort to encourage Time to disclose her identity. What he was doing was discouraging Time from perpetuating some statements that had been made publicly and weren't true."
It was journalists' first chance to grill McClellan on camera since coming to the conclusion that he had misled them 18 months ago when he said President Bush's top political aide, Karl Rove, had nothing to do with the unmasking of a CIA operative. The recipients of McClellan's bum steer were furious -- hectoring him more than questioning him.To be fair, Scotty never really says anything. What is surprising is that it took the Washington press corps this long to go after this putz.
"This is ridiculous!"
"You're in a bad spot here, Scott."
"Have you consulted a personal attorney?"
The 32-minute pummeling was perhaps the worst McClellan received since he got the job two years ago. His eyes were red and tired. He wiggled his foot nervously behind the lectern and robotically refused to answer no fewer than 35 questions about Rove and the outing of the CIA's Valerie Plame. Twenty-two times McClellan repeated that an "ongoing" investigation prevented him from explaining the gap between his past statements and the facts.
*******The Associated Press's Terry Hunt led off. "Does the president stand by his pledge to fire anyone involved in the leak of a name of a CIA operative?"
McClellan, wearing a gray suit and heavy makeup, delivered the first of many demurrals. "While that investigation is ongoing, the White House is not going to comment," he said.
Hunt, expecting this, pressed: "I wasn't actually talking about any investigation."
"Yes," McClellan allowed, "but this question is coming up in the context of this ongoing investigation."
McClellan delivered a nearly verbatim response to CBS's John Roberts, so NBC's David Gregory tried to provoke him, asking: "Did Karl Rove commit a crime?"
"This is a question relating to an ongoing investigation," a pained McClellan repeated. After dodging some follow-up questions, he tried to quiet Gregory by saying, "Let me finish."
Gregory almost shouted back: "No, you're not finishing. You're not saying anything."
As I wrote in my blog this morning, for Bush to get rid of Rove would be like Charlie McCarthy firing Edgar Bergen.It does not matter what Rove does. Rove has for all intents and purposes lied about his involvement in outing Valerie Plame, and yet Bush has done nothing except say that he still has confidence in Rove. Bush is not going to get rid of Rove. The only way to get rid of Rove is for the prosecutor, Patrick Fitzgerald, to charge his sorry ass with something--and even that might not do it.
Rove is to this Bush what Lee Atwater was to the father, except more so. He actually created W as a candidate for Governor and then for President.
*******Rove is the nerve center of today's Republican Party. The White House is already lowering the bar for punishment in the Plame case. Unless, the prosecutor has the goods on Karl, he stays. The President and the GOP has no choice. Rove is the closest in Washington to the indispensable man.
STEWART: In your mind–because you talk about how you respect the people that are working in Iraq day in and day out–is this a situation with Washington just not being responsive to the real problems on the ground and the situations there?(emphasis added). I have not read Diamond's book because I already have enough outrage over the lack of planning, but Praktike (who I have cited before) has done what I could not bear to do, and recently described the experience:
DIAMOND: Washington was not responsive before we went to war or after we went to war to the need for adequate resources to see this mission through.
STEWART: But during the six weeks of war...
DIAMOND: Hey, that was great. We won the victory in the war, and we squandered it after the war because of the lack of commitment of resources and knowledge.
I just picked up a copy of Larry Diamond's new book, Squandered Victory, at the AUC bookstore. So far I've wanted to hurl it at the wall at least five times--not because I don't like the book, but because the anecdotes Diamond relates are so frustrating. I've only read the first four chapters, but those are packed with observations and anecdotes that I haven't seen elsewhere. Highly recommended.Unfortunately, I have to say that this is not stunning. Three days ago, in Planning? We don't need no stinking planning, I said that my own lengthy posts do not come close to discussing all the planning failures, and Praktike has provided proof of that. And this latest example of Rumskull's rumskullery is not stunning because 1) it follows perfectly the pattern of blind stupidity I have exposed in my previous lengthy posts, and 2) as Robert Merry said (see Planning?), the idiots who brought us the Iraq war engaged in nothing but ideological planning--"you basically create the pattern that you want the world to be in and then you fit the policy to coincide with that particular pattern, even though it bore no relationship to reality." (emphasis added).
One story that really got me was the tale of former ambassador to Yemen Barbara Bodine suggesting to Rumsfeld in March of 2003 that it would behoove the Bush administration to develop a plan to pay Iraqi civil servants. Rumsfeld replied that American taxpayers would never go for it and that he was not concerned if they were paid for several weeks or even months; if they rioted in the streets in protest, he said, the US could use such an eventuality as leverage to get the Europeans to pick up the tab.
Stunning, no?
It's nice to defend your friends. But friendship isn't a qualification for the Supreme Court. And Bush should understand that.This seems to have become a theme among right wing pundits, as evidenced by a recent column from the douchebag of freedom (phrase coined by Jon Stewart), Bob Novak:
The Founding Fathers put the Senate "advise and consent" clause into the Constitution partly to combat cronyism. In Federalist No. 76, Alexander Hamilton opposed the president's nominees "being in some way or other personally allied to him." Thus, the wonder in Washington is that a peeved Bush would defend Gonzales's selection on grounds of personal pique. So much is at stake in these Supreme Court nominations that surely the president must realize this situation transcends loyalty to a friend.(emphasis added). Where have these boneheads been the last four years? Bush has shown time and again that friendship and loyalty transcend damn near everything for him. Why do you think so many Texans have prominent positions in the administration? Why do you think lots of people with direct ties to Enron ended up in Washington? Why do you think Rumskull and Wolfowitz did not get sacked? And on and on...
Mr. Merry was born March 5, 1946, in Tacoma, Washington. He received a bachelor’s degree in editorial journalism from the University of Washington, where he served as editor of the campus Daily and won two major awards for student journalism. Following three years in the Army, when he served as a language-qualified counterespionage agent in West Germany, he received a master’s degree from Columbia University‘s Graduate School of Journalism.Merry went from the WSJ to Congressional Quarterly "in 1987 as Managing Editor and in 1990 was promoted to Executive Editor. He became President and Publisher in January 1997." For those of you not familiar with Congressional Quarterly, here is part of the magazine's mission statement:
Mr. Merry began his career at the Denver Post, where he covered the Colorado Senate and local politics. After two years at the Post, he became a national political correspondent for the now-defunct National Observer, a Dow Jones newspaper. When it folded in 1977, Mr. Merry moved to the Washington bureau of The Wall Street Journal. During nine years at the Journal, Mr. Merry covered a wide range of subjects.
Congressional Quarterly publishes world-class information and insight on government and politics. The company has built a reputation for accurate, comprehensive and nonpartisan reporting on more than 50 years of experience.The point here is that Merry cannot be accused of being Michael Moore or Paul Krugman or Al Franken.
CQ has the largest news team covering Capitol Hill. More than 100 reporters, editors and researchers keep readers updated in print and online on a weekly, daily and real-time basis. CQ's readership includes 95 percent of the members of Congress, top academic and media outlets, and leaders in business, nonprofit organizations, government affairs and the executive branch.
Q: But then, Bob, how do you explain the extraordinarily poor planning that went into their thinking before the war?(emphasis added). Does that seem a bit harsh? If you want some evidence to back up Merry's conclusions, check out my previous posts on the subject. You will see that the people ultimately responsible are Bush and Rumskull. At the very least, their abysmal failure in this regard constitutes criminal negligence, but that explanation will be made later.
A: I think those may be among my most harsh passages in the entire book because I essentially say that the only explanation is it was ideological planning–you basically create the pattern that you want the world to be in and then you fit the policy to coincide with that particular pattern, even though it bore no relationship to reality.
Q: So you’re saying that basically they were building the war in Iraq not based on the reality of what this country had and could put forward to move into Iraq–not only to take down Saddam, but to reshape that entire society--and did so without fully planning how to do it.
A: I have a catalog of expressions on the part of these people, including the Vice President and Wolfowitz and many others in the administration, indicating that they really did not know what they were getting into. They didn’t understand the force of culture. They didn’t understand the sectarian nature of Iraq. They didn’t understand the history that we’re now grappling with. But it wasn’t very hard to find this history–books have been written, historical references were rampant in the period leading up to the Iraq war. They seemed to ignore all those things. If they had just gone back and looked at the experience of the British during the end of and after World War I. Winston Churchill, who was responsible for all this at the time, called Iraq “an ungrateful volcano.” I think that’s a very apt phrase–it applies to today.
Q: What do you think of the criticism of Attorney General Gonzales as a potential nominee? And will there be a litmus test on abortion and gay marriage when you consider your choice?
PRESIDENT BUSH: Thanks. First of all, as I said during both of my campaigns, there will be no litmus test. I'll pick people who, one, can do the job, people who are honest, people who are bright, and people who will strictly interpret the Constitution and not use the bench to legislate from. That's what I campaigned on and that's what I want to do.
She's referring to the fact that my Attorney General, longtime friend, a guy who was my -- close when I was the governor of Texas, came up to Washington with me as part of the movement of Texans south to north during the government. He's been my lawyer in the White House; he's now the Attorney General; he's under -- he's being criticized. I don't like it when a friend gets criticized. I'm loyal to my friends. And all of a sudden this fellow, who is a good public servant and a really fine person, is under fire. And so, do I like it? No, I don't like it, at all.
I hope the language and tone of the debate is one that is uplifting. I would hope that the groups involved in this process--the special-interest groups--will help tone down the heated rhetoric and focus on the nominee's credentials and philosophy.Now I know what some of you are thinking. Bush was only talking about the godless liberals that will attack anyone Bush nominates, right? In the words of Jon Stewart, "Not so much."
Q: What do you make of the tone of the dialogue already and in particular the attacks on Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, who's considered a possible nominee?Bush's comments support my assertions that 1) loyalty is prized and rewarded by Bush, and 2) Gonzales scores very high on the Bush loyalty scale.
A: My call to the senators who will be leading the debate on either side is to help elevate this rhetoric so that the country will take a prideful look at the process, recognize there will be differences of opinion but that we can step back after it's over and say, "That's the way we ought to conduct a debate on something as serious as a Supreme Court nominee."
Q: Do you think the attacks on Gonzales are out of line?
A: Al Gonzales is a great friend of mine. I'm the kind of person, when a friend gets attacked, I don't like it. We're lucky to have him as the attorney general, and I'm lucky to have him as a friend.
I guarantee that if Owen gets confirmed to the Fifth Circuit, and a place on the Supreme Court opens up while Bush is still in office, Priscilla Owen will be nominated for that position (unless Rehnquist retires, in which case Scalia will precede Owen).The timing of O'Connor's resignation could render the above opinion incorrect. It seems inconceivable that Bush would appoint Owen to the Supremes before she has served on the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, but it could happen. She is exactly what Bush wants on the Supreme Court.